Archive for May, 2007



19
May

TOM REGAN: The Search for a New Global Ethic

regan1

Dateline: Animals’ Agenda, Dec 1986
INTERVIEWED BY PATRICE GREANVILLE

A wide-ranging discussion with Tom Regan, wherein the author of The Case for Animal Rights speaks about the future development of the animal liberation movement as a force for social change, and as a focus for resolving the
great ethical dilemmas facing humanity as it enters the 21st century.

Religion, because of its concern for ethics, would seem to be a natural field to take animal rights, but its response so far has been tepid, non-committal or even hostile. Is that correct?

I don’t think it’s altogether an accurate assessment. In fact, once the religious community sees what the issues are, once we do our job as representatives of the
animals and present a fair depiction of the issues, I find that the religious community
responds very strongly and very favorably. I’m not saying, of course, that we’re going to see mass veganism sweeping Christianity. But I think they see the relevance of the issues we raise to their faith, and they’re challenged to respond. It’s a matter of growth, process, change.

I asked you that question because religions, particularly the Judeo-Christian beliefs, are usually repositories of what we might call a very sturdy anthropocentrism. In fact, the liberal denominations-in a world fraught with so many abuses of humans-now stand out for their “super humanism;’ if you want to call it that; while those on the right are proud of their speciesism. On that basis, how do you see an approach to the religious community?

I think the religious community is not homogenous. Not everyone out there has
the same views about all the same things. In fact there’s as much diversity, probably
more diversity in the religious community than in the animal rights community.
And anyone involved in the animal rights movement knows how diverse we are and
how much disagreement there is. So, yes, we should expect to find people who profess to speak for the faith accepting and defending practices abhorrent to us. But
at the same time, there’ll be just as many; and hopefully more, among the religious
who will see their faith as wanting the same kinds of changes that the secular
wing of the animal rights movement wants. In fact, I don’t want to separate
‘them’ and ‘us’. What I say is that we need some sort of solidarity with these people.
And the change is going to come from within that community rather than from
the outside. Hence, all we can do, as active animal rights supporters, is present
the issues to that community. Don’t expect that the church is going to respond
with one voice. On the contrary, there will be many voices, as my film, We Are
All Noah
shows.

We should be flexible, then…

My view is that we should never take an uncompromising position. It goes back to finding common ground. When I’m asked, ‘Are you against all animal research?”, I say, “Yes, I am:’ Then they say, “Well, I can’t follow you that far:’ So I say, “Well, how about cosmetics testing; how about the LD-5O tests?” “Well, no, I’m against that:’ I say, “OK, let’s just work on that:’ So, the answer is not to have an uncompromising position right upfront. We mustn’t say, “You have to join me all the way to join me part of the way.” Let’s raise consciousness incrementally to get people to act on what they see is right and feasible in their immediate experience…

As a professional philosopher, I’m sure you have reflected many times on the intimate linkage that seems to exist between humanity’s attainable level of morality and technological prowess. In fact, some thinkers maintain that the intuitive road to morality is secondary or false. . . and that the only reality in this field is shaped by the extent we understand nature. . . what is sometimes called the “realm of necessity:’ Do you think, therefore, that as humanity advances technologically we’ll be able to aspire to a much higher morality?

I’m not an opponent of technology. I think technology does increase our range
of choices. It does offer us the opportunity to grow spiritually and morally.
The question is, how do we direct it? How is technology going to be used? Are we
going to develop a technology to further subjugate those which we already have
power over or to liberate them and us? The most desirable path, of course, is to
find in technology ways of liberating ourselves from this kind of dominant relationship
we have with the rest of creation.

As real problems of ecological destruction…overpopulation, political unrest, nuclear war, terrorism (retail and wholesale), whatever, keep pressing on humankind, more and more people are beginning to realize that the world needs an entirely new ethic toward nature. Do you have any suggestions, besides those embodied in your Culture and Animals Foundation, on how to accelerate the process?

The first axiom of activism is that people are busy and when you show up with some new cause, it’s very difficult for them to fit it into their agenda. So you have to have a kind of tolerance. It’s not like the church, for example, hasn’t been doing anything-there’s the sanctuary movement, the anti-nuclear movement, the anti-Nicaraguan-intervention movement. There’s a lot of stuff that the religious and progressive political communities are doing that a lot of people aren’t doing, so let’s be sure to give credit where credit is due. But how we accelerate the process, I’m not sure. The
message I try to get to people is that it’s not an “either/or” proposition; either
work to bring a sense of the importance of animals into your life or do something
else (i.e., work against nuclear war, apartheid, or in the sanctuary movement).
It’s rather an “and/both” proposition. The way we make this idea clear to them is by talking about the details of their life—what sort of shampoo they are using, what toothpaste, what detergent (i.e., are they products of animal suffering,
ingredients or testing?) If you’re going to tell me you can’t fight apartheid and
change your brand of toothpaste I don’t understand that. So our great strength
lies in the concreteness of our challenge. It’s enormously difficult to work against apartheid in a meaningful way as an isolated individual. But we can give someone
something explicit and attainable to do they can be activists with a dollar bill. So
one test of how we succeed is how people spend their money-especially in this
country. Now, as for this question of how we “accelerate” the process. . .I’d say, ‘Go
to the mountain. Don’t wait for it to come to you: Go where they’re meeting; don’t
call a meeting and ask them to come because they’re going to be too busy. You
go to where they’re meeting and get onto their agenda and make the challenge as
detailed and concrete as you can. And make clear to all that they don’t have to
forego all other activities.

The manner in which we present ourselves to others, the way we couch our arguments, therefore, may be as important as the moral substance contained in
our vision. . .

Yes, definitely. One of the things that those of us who speak for the animals have to be mindful of is how we appear to the world because if we appear as losers, sulkers and complainers, bitter and so on, there aren’t many people who are going to want to be with us. That’s the mindset of our society. And so the change we’re working on, which is a sign of our own maturity, is to go from our adolescence-a period of rejection and rebellion, denial and negation and so on-to be affirmers rather than deniers, be for things rather than against things, positive rather than negative. Say ‘yes’ rather than ‘no’ all the time. And we want to celebrate the beauty, the dignity, the integrity of the animals, and not just spout a steady diet of complaint. We’ve got to help the public see that the people who are on the cutting edge of doing the visionary work in the movement are self-actualized people who are making something creative with their lives. For each of us-at one point or another-the great
challenge is to recreate who we are, not simply accept who we are in terms of what culture, the environment or genetics have given us. The great challenge is to take what we’ve been given and to rearrange it and to make something new out of all those things. I think that there are people on the cutting edge of the movement who are the role models of that, who are self-actualizing, creative, talented, gifted, committed and who have given their lives meaning and value by making soemthing of it. Now those people are the ones you want to be around.

There have been some thinkers over the centuries who have thought that profound
structural changes must occur in society on a very broad general front before true specific changes can take root at lower levels. Can any kind of revolution occur in one country and not in the whole world, for example? It seems we have a similar question facing us. Can we hope to have real progress for animals before sweeping structural improvements occur in the fabric of contemporary society?

My view is that within my limited time, talent, energy I don’t think I’m going to
be able to bring about these large structural changes. So what I have to do is
work in the existing structure and try to make whatever progress I can there and
leave it to the next generation to try to do more. As mentioned earlier, within our
civilization and structure there is an issue of how people spend their money. Are
they spending it on cruelty-free products? If so, we’re making progress. We need to
outline the connection that animal rights issues have with the larger picture. The
idea that animal liberation is human liberation is fraught with tremendous meaning because the way out of our own bondage and current predicaments is not possible without helping the animals.

You mention the church as a fertile ground for education. But the same can be said for other realms of action, other movements, like feminism, for example. Is it fruitful, in your opinion, to try to form theoretical and practical alliances with movements which, like our own, are engaged in expanding the frontiers of moral and political “enfranchisement?”

Sure, I think that it’s both necessary and desirable to forge those kinds of alliances. We’re a social movement, a human potential movement. The big job at hand for many of the big and small group leaders is how to get people in the movement. Forging alliances like the ones you mention is one of the ways-blacks, gays, native people, feminists, etc. . . the peace movement, the radical ecologists, the Green Party. In some ways I think it would be tremendously desirable for some of the leading groups in our movement to meet with the heads of the major organizations struggling for social justice, and try to work out where and how we can forge those alliances. I’ve talked with people in the Green Party in England and they’re very receptive. They want to forge cooperation.

That, of course, doesn’t prevent us from appealing also to other constituencies which may not be so clearly organized, and which are apparently being passed over…

Exactly. There are many neglected constituencies that we need to get out there
and talk to - the religious community is just one. The artistic community is another-
not just show biz-but they’re important too. I’m talking about the creative people who often set the tone for an entire cultural period, and entire outlook on life and events. The choreographers, TVshow writers, poets, popular musicians. We have a very narrow definition of activism-it’s debating a researcher and that’s it. But there is a cultuml activism that we should begin to cultivate. Also, the chances of receptivity are much greater.

Go give a lecture to a bunch of biology majors, and then go give the same lecture
to a bunch of art majors. The difference is profound-the art majors are sympathetic
to our viewpoint. So why aren’t we out there talking to the art majors instead
of just the biology majors?

The next constituency I want to reach is the elderly. We’ve never done anything
with the elderly, always the young people. And this country is becoming grey at the temples.. .What do we do with them? They’ve become like animals in our culture. We put them in homes and wait for them to die. We shelter them, we warehouse them. So if there are people whose lives are going to enable them to empathize with the plight of animals, it’s the elderly who have seen the ephemeral qualities of beauty, and many of whom now feel powerless in regard to the larger society. Yet they have leisure time, they’re looking for meaning and growth. We need to try to figure out, not in an exploitative way, how to take our concerns to them so they enhance their own lives.

Let’s pause for a moment to ask a rather personal question. How did you become an animal rights person?

Two main things—one intellectual, one emotional/experiential. The intellectual thing was that my wife and I were heads of a small group called North Carolinians Against the War, we were in the anti-war movement. At the time, it seemed that the way to make my activism respectable was to combine it with scholarship and research, so I did research on non-violent conflict resolution and pacifism. In the course of doing that I naturally read Gandhi. Gandhi simply said to me, ‘Look, would you like to limit the amount of violence in the world?’ I said, ‘Yes’. ‘Well, what are you eating?’, he asked. Wow, I’d never thought about that—I was as blind as everyone else on that issue. I didn’t see the fork as a weapon of violence. I saw the gun as a weapon of
violence but not the fork. And so it was Gandhi who lifted the scales off my eyes.
That was an important intellectual thing.

But, experientially, we were away and came back from vacation and our dog had
been killed that day, hit by a car. It was an accident, but it plunged the family into
tremendous grief. And I came through that realizing the contingencies of one’s
life. It was like I realized in a flash that there was something about the boundlessness
of what I was trying to feel that couldn’t be contained by that one dog…it reached out to all dogs, all cats—and of course, all cows and pigs, and all the rest.

But it was that experience. Philosophy can lead the mind to water but only emotion can make it drink. Maybe it’s a combination of the two things. In my case it was both an intellectual and an experiential/emotional process.

I’ve seen other people go through similar experiences—the sudden realization of our fellowship with others—it’s a very powerful jolt to the heart.

Yes, and again, this is related to the more general thing we’re talking about.
The animal rights movement is providing an opportunity for people to take control
of their lives. This is so vital- not in some flimsy ephemeral way-but in the details,
and in the larger implications. . . I keep coming back to this-the details of your
life-that’s what you have control of. You can’t easily control nuclear power but you
have control of the details of your life. Also, within the peace movement, within
the religious community. . . what I like to hammer away at is that there will be no
peace in the world until there’s peace in your home. You’re not going to change
the structure of the world if you’re not willing to change your life. Who is kidding whom? And there’s no peace in your home so long as you keep consuming products directly related to the suffering of animals.

You were talking about reaching out to students, and new fields of mass education. What sense do you get in your travels around the country about the receptivity of college students? Because they are obviously a crucial constituency. They have a lot of free time for activism.

The next five years are really crucial for the success of the movement, because if
we fail to radicalize the college students I think well have to sit back and really
ask, ‘Where are we going with this movement?’ I think the kids have to be fed up
with all this conspicuous consumption. They have to be ready to chuck it. They’ve
got to be ready to go back to some sense of alternative meaning of life other than
having a BMW and the latest Sony stereo. This is a great opportunity, then, and
what we should be doing in a cooperative manner, not in a competitive way, is to
be preparing well-conceived, well-staffed presentations for college campuses.

Is there any possibility in the near future, say, in the next five years, of having university chairs devoted to the subject of a new global ethic, one that stresses the sacred interconnectedness of life? We, of course, see the urgency in this.. .

Sure. Here’s my experience with universities. If somebody puts up the money, they’ll do it. If you want to create these chairs and you have the money, there will be universities knocking one another over to get it.

You raise the idea that the animal rights movement is the movement for the 21st century. Considering the myriad of problems plaguing humanity today, do you
really see a possibility to make animal rights the centerpiece of attention? In
other words, why should animal rights be the 21st century’s preeminent movement?

We are trying to affirm the notion of the liberation of the person - taking control of
our lives, assuming more responsibility for ourselves. You can grow in a positive
way, in a life-affirming way, a self-affirming way, and the passage from where you are now to where you can be must pass through the problem of how we relate to animals.

My view is that the animal rights thing has tended to be very negative-don’t do
this, don’t do that. I’ve been doing it myself. I’m for protest, for direct action,
for all those things. But, I’m for something positive, too. This is part of a larger
attempt to bring forth the full-flourishing of the human being, and that’s what we’re
for and to do that we must be against the mechanized, routinized, institutionalized
exploitation of animals.

You mentioned once that the process of attaining a mature ethic, a true reverence for life, could be substantially helped by focusing first on our respect for animals. Are you saying that animal rights could be the bridge, the philosophical anchor for this moral breakthrough?

Our movement is one that begins with the animals, but it doesn’t end with the
animals. That’s what we’ve got to begin to see. To have respect for the beauty and
dignity and integrity of animals; to regard them as having a life of their own and so
on, is the beginning of wisdom. This is not one more big ego trip, one more passing fad. On the contrary, what comes out at the end of this is this sense of who we are.

Are you talking about what the Chinese, the Buddhists, called ‘the strength that comes from becoming one with the universe’? The peace of no longer being an isolated fragment of life?

There is this possibility of understanding oneself through empathy with
the other; and this is very close. But what we wish to emphasize is that there is a
sense of fulfillment of human life that is impossible to achieve without going through
the door of respect for animals. with all this conspicuous consumption.

You have just published a new book, Animal Sacrifices, and also done work on a new video tape. Could you give us an idea of what the Culture and Animals Foundation is? What are its main goals?

The main objective of the foundation is to try to find those creative, gifted people
out there who care about animals, in order to support their work. We need to
realize how artistic our culture is, how painting, poetry, fiction, drama, sculpture-
all these things speak very powerfully to us. Ask yourself this: when was
the last time you read a poem that celebrated vivisection? The answer, of
course, is “never:’ When was the last time you read a poem that celebrates the
animals? Well.. .why aren’t we doing something with that? Now, when I do a
presentation, I work poetry into it because poetry is a sort of secular Bible.
People listen differently because language is being purified—the impact of poetry is
tremendous.

Yes, poetry can always have a tremendous impact. But in the U.S. poetry itself is not as popular as in other countries. People don’t generally fill great halls to hear a poet read his latest creations. I’m afraid that in the U.S. pop music is where it’s at.

Yes, and that’s an important point to keep in mind. Much of the growth of the
movement may happen as a result of trickling down into popular culture. But
I’m also talking about ‘high’ culture. Usually we’re outside the theatre protesting
people walking in with their fur coats. We need to be in the theatre. The
question of animal rights must be on the stage, in the gallery, in the concert hall.

What do you say to those people who say nature doesn’t have the sense of compassion that we humans attribute to our moral destiny? Nature—they claim—is
blind; it has created murderous food chains and many other terrors, and we have no duty to rise above its inscrutable arrangements. . .

This goes back, I think, to the acceptance of limitation on human growth, and
the problem of human self-actualization and fulfillment. It’s what Sartre would
call bad faith, to attribute my lack of integrity and self-discipline to nature. ‘It’s
nature’s fault that I’m like this.’ It’s bad faith. Nature gives us, you might say, the
canvas. Your past is the paints, you’re the artist—what do you do with what you’ve
got? The bottom line, as I see it, is that a full human life is not possible without
respect for animals—so that’s the first thing we put on the canvas.

Do you see the ‘lion and the lamb’ finally lying down together?

Not in my lifetime.

Not even in the 21st century?

Yes (chuckle), maybe in the 21st century. Of course, the symbolism there is probably too strong for what we’re prepared for right now.
____________
Professor Regan’s current activities center around The Culture and Animals Foundation, which can be contacted at 3509 Eden Croft Drive, Raleigh, NC 27612. A powerful animal rights introductory tool, ‘We Are All Noah,” is available for purchase through the foundation in various formats.

“All the arguments to prove man’s superiority cannot shatter this hard fact: in suffering, the animals are our equals.” — Peter Singer

PLEASE NOTE THAT THIS INTERVIEW TOOK PLACE IN 1986.
Additional materials follow.
_____________________________________________________

Tom Regan is professor of Philosophy at North Carolina State University. He is a prolific writer on animal liberation and animal rights philosophy. The publication of his The Case for Animal Rights marked a major advance in the philosophical underpinnings of the animal rights movement. This book brought the discussion of animal rights to new levels of serious attention within scholarly circles.
extracts from ‘Animals’ Rights: a Symposium’

We must realise that some people will find in our speaking of a subject such as the rights of animals all the evidence they need to convict us of absurdity. Only people can have rights and animals aren’t people. So, the more we speak, in a serious way, of animal rights, the more they will see us as supposing that animals are people; and since it is absurd to suppose that animals are people, it’s equally absurd to think that animals have rights. That, for many, is the end of it.

Let us be honest with ourselves. There is little chance of altering the mental set of those wedded to thinking in this way. If they are content simply to spout their slogans (”Only people have rights!”) as a substitute for hard thinking, we will fail to change their minds by spouting ours or by asking them to look beneath the words to the ideas themselves.

The Case for Animal Rights
by Tom Regan
[buy US]
extract from ‘The Case for Animal Rights’

Cruelty is manifested in different ways. People can rightly be judged cruel either for what they do or for what they fail to do, and either for what they feel or for what they fail to feel. The central case of cruelty appears to be the case where, in Locke’s apt phrase, one takes a “seeming kind of Pleasure” in causing another to suffer. Sadistic torturers provide perhaps the clearest example of cruelty in this sense: they are cruel not just because they cause suffering (so do dentists and doctors, for example) but because they enjoy doing so. Let us term this sadistic cruelty.

Not all cruel people are cruel in this sense. Some cruel people do not feel pleasure in making others suffer. Indeed, they seem not to feel anything. Their cruelty is manifested by a lack of what is judged appropriate feeling, as pity or mercy, for the plight of the individual whose suffering they cause, rather than pleasure in causing it; they are, as we say, insensitive to the suffering they inflict, unmoved by it, as if they were unaware of it or failed to appreciate it as suffering, in the way that, for example, lions appear to be unaware of, and thus are not sensitive to, the pain they cause their prey. Indeed, precisely because one expects indifference from animals but pity or mercy from human beings, people who are cruel by being insensitive to the suffering they cause often are called “animals” or “brutes”, and their character or behaviour “brutal” or “inhuman”. Thus, for example, particularly ghastly murders are said to be “the work of animals”, the implication being that these are acts that no-one moved by the human feelings of pity or mercy could bring themselves to perform. The sense of cruelty that involves indifference to, rather than enjoyment of, suffcnng caused to others we shall call brutal cruelty.

Laboratory animals are not a “resource” whose moral status in the world is to serve human interests. They are thcmselves he subjeets of a life that fares better or worse for them as individuals, logically independently of any utility they may or may not have relative to the interests of others. They share with us a distinctive kind of value - inherent value — and whatever we do to them must be respectful of this value as a matter of strict justice. To treat them as if their value were reducible to their utility for human interests, even important human interests, is to treat them unjustly; to utilize them so that humans might minimize the risks we voluntarily take (and that we can voluntarily decide not to take) is to violate their basic moral right to be treated with respect. That the laws require such testing, when they do, does not show that these tests are morally tolerable; what this shows is that the laws themselves are unjust and ought to be changed.

One can also anticipate charges that the rights view is anti-scientific and anti-humanity. This is rhetoric. The rights view is not anti-human. We, as humans, have an equal prima facie right not to be harmed, a right that the rights view seeks to illuminate and defend; but we do not have any right coercively to harm others, or to put theni at risk of harm, so that we might minimize the risks we run as a result of our own voluntary decisions. That violates their rights, and that is one thing no-one has a right to do.

Nor is the rights view anti-scientific. It places the scientific challenge before pharmacologists and related scientists: Find scientifically valid ways that serve the public interest without violating individual rights. The overarching goal of pharmacology should be to reduce the risks of those who use drugs without harming those who don’t. Those who claim that this cannot be done, in advance of making a concerted effort to do it, are the ones who are truly anti-scientific.

Perhaps the most common response to the call for elimiiiation of animals in toxicity testing is the benefits argument

Human beings and animals have benefited from toxicity tests on animals. Therefore, these tests are justified.

Like all arguments with missing premises, everything turns on what that premise is. If it read: “These tests do not violate the rights of animals,” then we would be on our way to receiving an interesting defense of toxicity testing. But, unfortunately for those who countenance these tests, and even more unfortunately for the animals used in them, that premise is not true. These tests do violate the rights of the test animals, for the reasons given. The benefits these tests have for others is irrelevant, according to the rights view, since the tests violate the rights of the individual animals. As in the case of humans, so also in the ease of animals: Overriding their rights cannot be defended by appealing to the general welfare”. Put alternatively, the benefits others receive count morally only if no individual’s rights have been violated. Since toxicity tests of new drugs violate the rights of laboratory animals, it is morally irrelevant to appeal to how much others have benefited. Lab animals are not our Tasters. We are not their Kings.

. . . Animals are not to be treated as mere receptacles or as renewable resources. Thus does the practice of scientific research on animals violate their rights. Thus ought it to cease, according to the rights view. It is not enough first conscientiously to look for non-animal ~ternatives and then, having failed to find any, to resort to using animals. Though that approach is laudable as far as it goes, and though taking it would mark significant progress, it does not go far enough. It assumes that it is all right to allow practices that use animals as if their value is reducible to their possible utility relative to the interests of others, provided that we have done our best not to do so. The rights view’s position would have us go further in terms of “doing our best”. The best we can do in terms of not using animals is not to use them. Their inherent value does not disappear just because we have failed to find a way to avoid harming them in pursuit of our chosen goals. Their value is independent of these goals and their possible utility in achieving them.

. . The rights view . . calls upon scientists to do science as they redirect the traditional practice Of their several disciplines away from reliance on “animal models” toward the development and use of non-animal alternatives. All that the rights view prohibits is that science that violates individual rights. If that means that there are some things we cannot learn, then so be it. There are also some things we cannot learn by using humaus, if we respect their rights. The rights view merely requires moral consistency in this regard.

Veterinarians are the closest thing society has to a role model for the morally enlightened care of animals. It is, therefore, an occasion for deep anguish to find members of this profession increasingly in the employ of, or rendering their services to, the very industries that routinely violate the rights of animals - the farm animal industry, the lab animal industry, etc. On the rights view, veterinarians are obliged to extricate themselves and their profession from the financial ties that bind them to these industries and to dedicate their extensive medical knowledge and skills, as healers, as doctors of medicine, to projects that are respectful of their patients’ rights. The first signatures in the “new contract” involving justice and animals would be from those who belong to the profession of veterinary medicine. To fail to lead the way in this regard will bespeak a lack of moral vision or courage (or both) that will permanently tarnish the image of this venerable profession and those who practice it.

That science that routinely harms animals in pursuit of its goals is morally corrupt, because unjust at its core, something that no appeal to the “contract” between society and science can alter.

Both the moral right not to be caused gratuitous suffering and the right to life, I argue, are possessed by the animals we eat if they are possessed by the humans we do not. To cause animals to suffer cannot be defended merely on the grounds that we like the taste of their flesh, and even if animals were raised so that they led generally pleasant lives and were “humanely” slaughtered, that would not insure that their rights, including their right to life, were not violated.

I cannot help but think that each of us has been struck, at one moment or another, and in varying degrees of intensity, by the ruthlessness, the insensitivity, the (to use [I.B.J Singer’s word) smugness with which man inflicts untold pain and deprivation on his fellow animals. It is, I think, a spectacle that resembles, even if it does not duplicate, the vision that Herman calls to mind - that of the Nazi in his treatment of the Jew. “In their behaviour toward creatures,” he says, “all men [are] Nazis.” A harsh saying, this. But on reflection it might well turn out to contain an element of ineradicable truth.

…The human appetite for meat has become so great that new methods of raising animals have come into being. Called intensive rearing methods, these methods seek to insure that the largest amount of meat can be produced in the shortest amount of time with the least possible expense. In ever increasing numbers, animals are being subjected to the rigors of these methods. Many are being forced to live in incredibly crowded conditions. Moreover, as a result of these methods, the natural desires of many animals often are being frustrated. In short, both in terms of the physical pain these animals must endure, and in terms of the psychological pain that attends the frustration of their natural inclinations, there can be no reasonable doubt that animals who are raised according to intensive rearing methods experience much non-trivial, undeserved pain. Add to this the gruesome realities of “humane” slaughter and we have, I think, an amount and intensity of suffering that can, with propriety, be called “great”.

To the extent, therefore, that we eat the flesh of animals that have been raised under such circumstances, we help create the demand for meat that farmers who use intensive rearing methods endeavour to satisfy. Thus, to the exteuL that it is known that such methods will bring about much undeserved nontrivial pain on the part of the animals raised according to these methods, anyone who purchases meat that is a product of these methods and almost everyone who buys meat at a typical supermarket or restaurant does this - is causally imphcated in a practice that causes pain that is both non trivial and undeserved for the animals in question. On this point too, I think there can be no doubt.

… Contrary to the habit of thought which supposes that it is the vegetarian who is on the defensive and who must labor to show how his “eccentric” way of life can even remotely he defended by rational means, it is the nonvegetarian whose way of life stands in need of rational justification. Indeed, the vegetarian can, if I am right, make an even stronger claim than this. For if the previous argument is sound, he can maintain that unless or until someone does succeed in showing how the undeserved, nontrivial pain animals experience as a result of intensive rearing methods is not gratuitous and does not violate the rights of the animals in question, then he (the vegetarian) is justified in believing that, and acting as it is wrong to eat meat, if by so doing we contribute to the intensive rearing of animals and, with this, to the great pain they must inevitably suffer. And the basis on which he can take this stand is the same one that vegetarians and nonvegetarians alike can and should take in the case of a practice that caused great undeserved pain to human beings - namely, that we are justified in believing that, and acting as if, such a practice is immoral unless or until it can be shown that it is not.

Of course, none of this, by itself, settles the question “Do animals experience pain?” Animals . . . certainly appear at times to be in pain. For us to be rationally justified in denying that they are ever in pain, therefore, we are in need of some rationally compelling argument that demonstrates that, though they may appear to suffer, they never really do so. Descartes’s argument does not show this . . . how animals who are physiologically similar to man behave in certain circumstances for example, how muskrats behave when they try to free themselves from a trap - provides us with all the evidence we could have that they are in pain, given that they are not able to speak; in the ease of the muskrats struggling to free themselves, that is, one wants to ask what more evidence could be rationally required to show that they in pain in addition to their cries, their whimpers, the of their bodies, the desperate look of their eyes, and so on. For my own part, I do not know what else could be required, and if a person were of the opinion that this did not constitute enough evidence to show that the muskrats were in pain, I cannot see how any additional evidence would (or could) dissuade him of his skepticism. My position, therefore, is the “naive” one - namely, that animals can and do feel pain, and that, unless or until we are presented with an argument that shows that, all the appearances to the contrary, animals do not experience pain, we are rationally justified in continuing to believe that they do. And a similar line of argument can be given, I think, in suppoi-t of the view that animals have experiences that are pleasant or enjoyable, experiences that, though they may be of a low level in comparison to, say, the joys of philosophy or the raptures of the beatific vision, are pleasurable nonetheless.

Moreover, if it is unjust to cause a human being undeserved pain (and if what makes this unjust is that pain is evil and that the human is innocent and thus does not deserve the evil he receives), then it must also be unjust to cause an innocent animal undeserved pain. If it be objected that it is not possible to act unjustly toward animals, though it is possible to do so toward humans, then, once again~ what we should demand is some justification of this contention; what we should walit to know is just what there is that is characteristic of all human beings, and is absent from all other animals, that makes it possible to treat the former, but not the latter, unjustly. In the absence of such an explanation, I think we have every reason to suppose that restricting the concepts of just and unjust treatment to human beings is a prejudice.

various extracts from ‘In Defence of Animals’

What’s wrong fundamentally wrong - with the way animals are treated isn’t the details that vary from case to case. It’s the whole system. The forlornness of the veal calf is pathetic, heart-wrenching; the pulsing pain of the chimp with electrodes planted deep in her brain is repulsive; the slow, tortuous death of the racoon caught in the leg-hold trap is agonizing. But what is wrong isn’t the pain, isn’t the suffering, isn’t the deprivation. These compound what’s wrong. Sometimes often - they make it much, much worse. But they are not the fundamental wrong.

The fundamental wrong is the system that allows us to view animals as our resources, here for us - to be eaten, or surgically manipulated, or exploited for sport or money. Once we accept this view of animals - as our resources - the rest is as predictable as it is regrettable. Why worry about their loneliness, their pain, their death? Since animals exist for us, to benefit us in one way or another, what harms them really doesn’t matter - or matters only if it starts to bother us, makes us feel a trifle uneasy when we eat our veal escalope, for example. So, yes, let us get veal calves out of solitary confinement, give them more space, a little straw, a few companions. But let us keep our veal escalope.

Whether and how we abolish [the use of animals] are to a large extent political questions. People must change their beliefs before they change their habits. Enough people, especially those elected to public office, must believe in change - must want it - before we will have laws that protect the rights of animals. This process of change is very complicated, very demanding, very exhausting, calling for the effort of many hands in education, publicity, political organization and activity, down to the licking of envelopes and stamps. As a trained and practising philosopher, the sort of contribution I can make is limited but, I like to think, important. The currency of philosophy is ideas - their meaning and rational foundation - not the nuts and bolts of the legislative process, say, or the mechanics of comillunity organization.

website:

18
May

DID WE MISS THE COUP D’ETAT?

duceHitler

No need for their kind of takeover. Not subtle enough for American consumption.

BY RICHARD BLAIR

Posted on May 17, 2007, Printed on May 18, 2007 | Originally at AlterNet
http://www.alternet.org/bloggers//52019/

During the time the Vietnam war was in full swing, Edward Luttwak wrote a seminal book on the phenomena of overthrowing governments, Coup d’État: A Practical Handbook. In defining the attributes of a typical coup, Luttwak explains:

A coup consists of the infiltration of a small but critical segment of the state apparatus, which is then used to displace the government from its control of the remainder.

Let that definition rattle around your brain for a moment.

When we think of coups, our mental image tends to be populated by medal-festooned lapels of banana republic military commanders, surrounded by gun toting militias riding around in jeeps, in a location somewhere south of the equator. Obviously, that is not an accurate picture. A coup is typically a partnership between civilian politicians (usually, but not always, by the party in opposition to the current government) and sympathetic military commanders. Contrary to popular concept, the “use of military or other organized force is not the defining feature of a coup d’état”. It can be argued, though, that co-opted military command of civilian authority and positions is integral to consolidation of power in a coup environment.

With yesterday’s appointment of General Lute as the war czar, there are more active duty military commanders involved in the operational control of America’s war and intelligence efforts than ever before. Additionally, James Comey’s remarks this week to the Senate Judiciary Committee about the race to John Ashcroft’s hospital bed to authorize the warrentless wiretap program, we get a small peek behind the curtain of how the Bush regime has operated, time and time again, outside the bounds of (at least) propriety and (potentially) beyond the confines of constitutional authority.

The confluence of several events over the past year or so lead to the question: did a true coup d’état occur in the U.S., and we missed it? …

Since the time that George Bush came to power in the contested election of 2000, many have opined that the Supreme Court decision in Bush -v- Gore was, in fact, a coup. Legal historians will certainly be arguing the finer points of the SCOTUS decision long after most of us are dead. However, a coup in the classic sense requires that fundamental changes occur to both the power structure of a government and the precepts of enabling documents and legislation (for example, constitutional interpretations).

Setting aside the constitutionality and use of presidential signing statements and all of the other challenges to constitutional authority that have occurred in the past 6 years, let’s just take a quick look at the recent militarization of the heretofore civilian infrastructure of the U.S. government:

Item: In an unprecedented presidential appointment, active duty General Michael Hayden was installed as director of the CIA in 2006.

Item: General David Petraeus makes the rounds in Washington, and updates political leaders on progress / lack thereof in Iraq. George Bush holds a press conference, and invokes Petraeus’ name no less than 12 times. He also implores, “Let the commanders do their job”. Some would argue that Bush is abdicating his authority (and responsibility) as Commander in Chief for the prosecution of war.

Item: 11 GOP congressmen hold a frank conversation with Bush, telling him that he has no clothes (or credibility). They’ll “only believe General Petraeus”.

Item: Active duty generals are going on record (at least anonymously) telling journalists that they’ll “revolt against the regime” in September if the regime is still sticking with the surge into 2008.

Item: General Petraeus denies that he has come under pressure from President Bush or other political leaders to paint a false or skewed picture of the U.S. military campaign in Iraq:

“I am not being pressured by the president to say anything,” Petraeus told reporters after 3 hours of back-to-back briefings of House and Senate members on the situation in Iraq. “I am not going to be pressured by political leaders of either party.”

Item: Lt. Gen. Lute is selected as the Bush regime’s “war czar”, in an apparent direct contravention to the constitution of the United States and the powers of the executive branch. Thoroughly unreported in the U.S. legacy media (or even the progressive new media) is that Lute views the internet as a battleground in the war on terror.

Either Gen. Petraeus is being set up as the biggest patsy in history, or he’s already taken over. He’s basically been anointed as the “honest broker” and ombudsman between the Bush regime and congress. Everyone is deferring to him, and it doesn’t seem as if much of anyone is questioning Gen. Lute’s new job, either. The civilian cabinet position of Secretary of War was deprecated in 1947, but it seems that it’s now been resurrected, and that a military guy is running the show. General Hayden is running the intelligence apparatus of the United States, and holds no allegiance to the civilian legislative branch, even though that branch was required to confirm him (another GOP rubber stamp job in 2006).

It’s acceptable to squirm in your chair a little bit. Perhaps “coup” is too strong of a word, but clearly, the Bush regime has consolidated the executive branch’s hold over the military, and the military’s current influence over day-to-day decision making at the highest levels of government is pretty much unprecedented in U.S. history.

Perhaps more to the point, it’s really bothersome because I don’t think we can click those ruby slippers and go back to Kansas again, Dorothy…

Richard Blair is a Philadelphia area freelance writer and the blogmaster of All Spin Zone.

© 2007 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/bloggers//52019/

18
May

A SWISS CHEESE —Reflections on “ineptitude”

avnery.Arafat
BY URI AVNERY | 5.19.07

THE WINOGRAD committee of inquiry is not a part of the solution. It is a part of the problem.

Now, after the first excitement caused by the publication of the partial report has died down, it is possible to evaluate it. The conclusion is that it has done much more harm than good.

The positive side is well known. The committee has accused the three directors of the war - the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defense and the Chief-of-Staff - of many faults. The committee’s favorite word is “failure”.

It is worthwhile to ponder this word. What does it say? A person “fails” when he does not fulfill his task. The nature of the task itself is not considered, but only the fact that it has not been accomplished.

The use of the word “failure” all over the report is by itself a failure of the committee. The new Hebrew word invented by the protest groups - something like “ineptocrats” - fits all of the five committee members.

IN WHAT did the three musketeers of the war leadership fail, according to the committee?

The decision to go to war was taken in haste. The war aims proclaimed by the Prime Minister were unrealistic. There was no detailed and finalized military plan. There was no orderly staff-work. The government adopted the improvised proposal of the Chief-of-Staff at it was, without alternatives being offered or requested. The Chief-of-Staff thought that he would win by bombing and shelling alone. No ground attack was planned. The reserves were not called up in time. The ground campaign got off very late. In the years before the war, the forces were not properly trained. Much equipment was missing from the emergency stores. The big ground attack, which cost the lives of so many soldiers, started only when the terms of the cease-fire were already agreed upon in the UN.

Strong medicine. What is the conclusion? That we must learn these lessons and improve our performance quickly, before we start the next war.

And indeed, a large part of the public drew precisely this conclusion: the three “ineptocrats” have to be removed, their place has to be filled by three leaders who are more responsible and “experienced”, and we should then start Lebanon War III, so as to repair the damage caused by Lebanon War II.

The army has lost its deterrent power? We shall get it back in the next war. There was no successful ground attack? We shall do better next time. In the next war, we shall penetrate deeper.

The entire problem is technical. New leaders with military experience, orderly staff-work, meticulous preparations, an army chief from the ranks of the ground forces instead of a flying commander - and then everything will be OK.

THE MOST important part of the report is the one that is not there. The report is full of holes, like the proverbial Swiss cheese.

There is no mention of the fact that this was from the start a superfluous, senseless and hopeless war.

Such an accusation would be very serious. A war causes death and destruction on both sides. It is immoral to start one unless there is a clear danger to the very existence of the state. According to the report, Lebanon War II had no specific aim. That means that this war was not forced on us by any existential necessity. Such a war is a crime.

What did the trio go to war for? In theory: in order to free the two captured soldiers. This week, Ehud Olmert admitted publicly that he knew quite well that the soldiers could not be freed by war. That means that when he decided to start the war, he blatantly lied to the people. George Bush style.

Hizbullah, too, does not present an existential danger to the State of Israel. An irritation? Yes. A provocative enemy? Absolutely. An existential danger? Surely not.

For these problems, political solutions could be found. It was clear then, as it is now, that the prisoners must be freed through a prisoner exchange deal. The Hizbullah threat can be removed only by political means, since it stems from political causes.

THE COMMITTEE accuses the government of not examining military alternatives to the Chief-of-Staff’s proposals. By the same token, the committee itself can be accused of not examining political alternatives to the government’s decision to go to war.

Hizbullah is primarily a political organization, a part of the complex reality of Lebanon. For centuries, the Shiites in South Lebanon were downtrodden by the stronger communities - the Maronites, the Sunnis and the Druze. When the Israeli army invaded Lebanon in 1982, the Shiites received them as liberators. After it became apparent that our army did not intend to go away, the Shiites started a war of liberation against them. Only then, in the course of the long and ultimately successful guerilla war, did the Shiites emerge as a major force in Lebanon. If there were justice in the world, Hizbullah would erect statues of Ariel Sharon.

In order to strengthen their position, the Shiites needed help. They got it from the Islamic Republic of Iran, the natural patron of all the Shiites in the region. But even more important was the help coming from Syria.

And why did Sunnite Syria come to the aid of the Shiite Hizbullah? Because it wanted to create a double threat: against the government in Beirut and against the government in Jerusalem.

Syria has never given up its foothold in Lebanon. In the eyes of the Syrians, Lebanon is an integral part of their homeland, which was torn from it by the French colonialists. A look at the map is sufficient to show why Lebanon is so important for Syria, both economically and militarily. Hizbullah provides Syria with a stake in the Lebanese arena.

The encouragement and support of Hizbullah as a threat against Israel is even more important for Syria. Damascus wants to regain the Golan Heights, which were conquered by Israel in 1967. This, for Syrians, is a paramount national duty, a matter of national pride, and they will not give it up for any price. They know that for now, they cannot win a war against Israel. Hizbullah offers an alternative: continual pinpricks that are intended to remind Israel that it might be worthwhile to return the Golan.

Anyone who ignores this political background and sees Hizbullah only as a military problem shows himself to be an ignoramus. It was the duty of the committee to say so clearly, instead of prattling on about “orderly staff-work” and “military alternatives”. It should have issued a red card to the three ineptocrats for not weighing the political alternative to the war: negotiations with Syria for neutralizing the Hizbullah threat by means of an Israeli-Syrian-Lebanese accord. The price would have been an Israeli withdrawal from the Golan heights.

By not doing so, the committee really said: there is no escape from Lebanon War III. But please, folks, try harder next time.

A CONSPICUOUS hole in the report concerns the international background of the war.

The part played by the United States was obvious from the first moment. Olmert would not have decided to start the war without obtaining explicit American permission. If the US had forbidden it, Olmert would not have dreamt of starting it.

George Bush had an interest in this war. He was (and is) stuck in the Iraqi morass. He is trying to put the blame on Syria. Therefore he wanted to strike a blow against Damascus. He also wanted to break the Lebanese opposition, in order to help America’s proxy in Beirut. He was sure that it would be a cakewalk for the Israeli army.

When the expected victory was late in coming, American diplomacy did everything possible to prevent a cease-fire, so as to “give time” to the Israeli army to win. That was done almost openly.

How much did the Americans dictate to Olmert the decision to start the war, to bomb Lebanon (but not the infrastructure of the Siniora government), to prolong the war and to start a ground offensive at the last moment? We don’t know. Perhaps the committee dealt with this in the secret part of the report. But without this information it is impossible to understand what happened, and therefore the report is to a large extent worthless for understanding the war.

WHAT ELSE is missing in the report? Hard to believe, but there is not a single word about the terrible suffering inflicted on the Lebanese population.

Under the influence of the Chief-of-Staff, the government agreed to a strategy that said: let’s bomb Lebanon, turn the life of the Lebanese into hell, so they will exert pressure on their government in Beirut, which will then disband Hizbullah. It was slavish imitation of the American strategy in Kosovo and Afghanistan.

This strategy killed about a thousand Lebanese, destroyed whole neighborhoods, bridges and roads, and not only in Shiite areas. From the military point of view, that was easy to do, but the political price was immense. For weeks pictures of the death and destruction wrought by Israel dominated world news. It is impossible to measure the damage done to Israel’s standing in world public opinion, damage that is irreversible and that will have lasting consequences.

All this did not interest the committee. It concerned itself only with the military side. The political side it ignored, except to remark that the Foreign Minister was not invited to the important consultations. The moral side was not mentioned at all.

Nor is the occupation mentioned. The committee ignores a fact that cries out to heaven: that an army cannot be capable of conducting a modern war when for 40 years it has been employed as a colonial police force in occupied territories. An officer who acts like a drunken Cossak against unarmed peace activists or stone-throwing children, as shown this week on television, cannot lead a company in real war. That is one of the most important lessons of Lebanon War II: the occupation has corrupted the Israeli army to the core. How can this be ignored?

THE COMMITTEE judges Olmert and Peretz as unfit because of their lack of “experience”, meaning military experience. This can lead to the conclusion that the Israeli democracy cannot rely on civilian leaders, that it needs leaders who are generals. It imposes on the country a military agenda. That may well be the most dangerous result.

This week I saw on the internet a well-done presentation by the “Reservists”, a group of embittered reserve soldiers set up to lead the protest against the three “ineptocrats”. It shows, picture after picture, many of the failures of the war, and reaches its climax with the statement that the incompetent political leadership did not allow the army to win.

The young producers of this presentation are certainly unaware of the unpleasant smell surrounding this idea, the odor of the “Dolchstoss im Ruecken” - the stab in the back of the army. Otherwise they would probably not have expressed themselves in this form, which served not so long ago as the rallying cry of German Fascism.

Uri Avnery is an Israeli journalist, left wing peace activist, and Knesset member, who was originally a member of the rightwing Revisionist Zionist movement. He’s the founder of Gush Shalom, Israel’s leading antiwar organization.

18
May

ANNALS OF MENDACIOUS PUNDITRY: Kathleen Parker: War-Pimping with a Smile

Of American Exceptionalism, Apple Pie, and Moral Rot

BY JASON MILLER| Dateline: 5/13/07

Biography of Kathleen Parker excerpted from The Washington Post Writers Group page:

Now one of America’s most popular opinion columnists, appearing in more than 350 newspapers, Parker is at home both inside and outside the Washington Beltway. But she came to column-writing the old-fashioned way, working her way up journalism’s ladder from smaller papers to larger ones. “I never set out to become a commentator – and do continue to resist the label ‘pundit’ – but I found that keeping my opinion out of my writing was impossible,” says Parker. “One can only stand watching from the sidelines for so long without finally having to say, ‘Um, excuse me, but you people are nuts.’”

Despite myriad signs of the waning power and impending collapse of the abomination known as the American Empire or Pax Americana, there are those among us who insist on perpetuating history’s greatest and deadliest charade. While our nation inflicts tremendous misery and suffering upon the Earth and its sentient inhabitants, our opulent class and their sycophantic apologists dress the United States in a cloak of moral rectitude so pious that one who sees the truth finds it difficult to refrain from vomiting. History will afford us generous praise for our military prowess, economic might, but most of all, for our capacity to project a false image, both to ourselves and others.

Greedy, hubristic, gluttonous, bellicose, and reactionary almost beyond belief, those who wield the bulk of wealth and power in the United States maintain a phenomenal illusion of America’s decency. Hollow pillars of noble ideals merely serve as storage silos for the manure the cynical de facto aristocracy perpetually feeds the masses to ensure that there are enough true believers to man the bulwarks of a system riddled with contradictions and corruption.
Machiavellian moneyed elites infest and dominate nearly every node of power in our maleficent socioeconomic and political infrastructure, including Wall Street, the Pentagon, Congress, the White House, and the Fourth Estate. America’s persistent efforts to dominate the rest of the world serve their interests while significantly diminishing the quality of life for the rest of us. Spending close to a trillion dollars a year on “defense” and committing war crimes with the casual ease of a man brushing his teeth enrich the military industrial complex, financially starve initiatives that would benefit humanity, and fuel a vicious cycle US military aggression, hatred, blowback, and US retaliation.

While the crony capitalist criminals have a multitude of means at their disposal with which to beguile the masses into complicity in their egregious crimes against humanity, their principal weapon is their army of propagandists. Possessing “all-American” looks, exhibiting unwavering patriotism, and fulfilling her self-designated role as spokesperson for “sane adults,” Kathleen Parker is one of the establishment’s chief proponents in the corporate media. As such, she provides relentless cover for a class of criminals who put Al Capone and his associates to shame.

Consider a dissection of some of her work as it appeared on Jewish World Review.com:

In her 4/11/07, “Don Imus’s Via Dolorosa”, Ms. Parker opined:

“What Imus said was not hateful, but it was thoughtlessly unkind to young women who are not, in fact, ‘hos’…. Black hip-hop artists have been denigrating the women of their families and neighborhoods for years with terminology that reduces all women to receptacles for men’s pleasure.”

As she often does, Kathleen slyly buttresses the white patriarchal power structure which continues to dominate the United States, despite having suffered some significant erosion. Note how she assures us that Imus’s remark was not “hateful” and quickly identifies hip hop artists as the true villains.

While misogynistic song lyrics are morally repugnant, they do not alleviate Imus of culpability for his remark. When a dominant media figure, who happens to be a white male in a society which is only several generations removed from chattel slavery and Jim Crow, calls gifted black female athletes and scholars “hos” from a platform which enables him to reach an audience of millions, it is time for him to go.

Kathleen’s piece diverts our attention from another important issue. Why did his corporate chieftains fire Imus? Were they acting on the “moral duty” with which Ms. Parker professes to be so enamored? No. Imus got the axe because major advertising sponsors did not want to risk losing customers and withdrew their monetary support of Imus’s show.

Which leads to another significant point. Parker’s revulsion with hip-hop lyrics which denigrate women is fully justified. Yet she fails to acknowledge the fact that the bourgeoisie masters of the recording universe could end such abject immorality tomorrow if they wished. But even hip-hop with degrading lyrics sells. And profits rule, don’t they Kathleen? Did you forget to whom you sold your soul?

Writing in “The Mother of All Blunders” on 4/6/07, Parker gave us this gem:

“On any given day, one isn’t likely to find common cause with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. He’s a dangerous, lying, Holocaust-denying, Jew-hating cutthroat thug — not to put too fine a point on it.”

This presents an excellent example of the rabid belligerence and paranoia our corporate-controlled media works so hard to engender in the hoi polloi. While his government certainly has exhibited a tendency towards internal repression, to whom is Ahmadinejad a danger outside of Iraq? To the world’s lone superpower, which is equipped with the most lethal killing machine in the history of humanity? To Israel, a nation with a potent military, a nuclear arsenal and the unconditional support of the US? Whom has Iran invaded lately? What is it that Ahmadinejad has lied about? Is Holocaust denial now a violation of international law? What of the world’s denial of the genocide Israel is perpetrating against the Palestinians?

Thankfully, in March of this year, Ms. Parker was there to remind us of “America’s Clear and Present Danger”:

“Simply put, the present danger is a worldwide threat from radical Islamist terrorism that has a strong state sponsorship component, an overt and covert military component, and an ‘insidious peaceful component’ that is now present in the United States.
That is to say, peacefully and without much notice, Islamists are trying to use our laws of tolerance against us to carve out exceptions for themselves. The radical Islamist faction that has infiltrated and intimidated Europe has found a home in our polite denial.”

To justify its outrageous military spending and perpetual wars, the United States needs enemies. When the Soviet Union disbanded and the US became the world’s only hegemon, policy makers needed a replacement for Communism to justify their “Realpolitik” interventions around the globe. Capitalism’s imperative is to expand or die.

How convenient for them that the “Islamofascists” have emerged. Former US allies like Saddam Hussein, CIA-trained guerilla fighters in Afghanistan, and millions of justifiably enraged victims of direct or indirect US oppression represent the ideal foe. Violently resistant to our exploitation, numbering over a billion, nearly ubiquitous, often dark-skinned (meaning they are easily dehumanized by our exquisite propagandists like Ms. Parker), and (by virtue of geographic good fortune) in possession of much of “our oil,” Islamic people are readily portrayed to US Americans as “a worldwide threat” which has now reached our shores as an ‘insidious peaceful component.’

If so many of our fellow citizens were not so easily persuaded to believe Kathleen’s absurd perversion of reality, it would be comical. We are the threat. Islamic violence is a reaction to years of invasion, genocide, theft of resources, toppling of governments, support of despots, and destruction of infrastructure. Imagine what we would do if we were in their place. But then again, empathizing with the “other” is akin to providing comfort to the enemy, isn’t it, Ms. Parker?

Musing about the state-sponsored murder of Saddam with “We Are All Executioners Now,” in January of this year Ms. Parker penned:

“Where we’ve seen it before was in the horror movies Islamist terrorists staged when they butchered hostages such as Nick Berg and Daniel Pearl, knowing that the world would watch.
The differences are obvious, of course. Berg and Pearl were innocents, and Saddam was a lawless monster indicted, tried and convicted under a civilized code of jurisprudence. If anyone deserved ultimate justice for crimes against humanity, Saddam did. In death, he joins that foul fraternity of other torturers and murderers for whom death was tardy.”

Again Kathleen presents us with an emotionally charged intellectual hand-job intended to create sympathy for “our people”, demonize the “other”, and legitimize the United States’ utter disregard for the law, let alone justice.

While the gruesome deaths of Berg and Pearl were tragic, where is her concern for the millions upon millions of victims of our imperial wars and occupations since the end of World War II?

Kathleen also conveniently “memory-holed” the fact that the ‘lawless monster,’ Saddam, was our ally when he was at war with Iran during the Reagan era.

Amnesty International characterized Hussein’s trial and conviction as ‘deeply flawed and unfair,’ despite Parker’s assurance that it was conducted ‘under a civilized code of jurisprudence.’

And if ‘in death’ Saddam joined ‘that foul fraternity of other torturers and murderers for whom death was tardy,’ when do we schedule the executions of Kissinger, Bush 41 and Bush 43, Clinton, Cheney, Rumsfeld, and a host of other US leaders? Their crimes are as well-documented as Saddam’s and are of equal or greater magnitude.
Shortly after Hugo Chavez spoke at the UN in September of 2006, Parker fired off, “The Axis of Oil and Nuts”:

“Chavez would be a hoot if he weren’t so dangerous. As the leader of America’s fourth-largest foreign oil supplier, he has undeserved power, both in the world and over the U.S. When he’s feeling grumpy, he threatens to cut us off. Wouldn’t we love not to have to entertain his mood shifts?”

Ms. Parker has a knack for defying reason while appearing to inundate us with irrefutable folksy wisdom. Admittedly, Chavez is over the top with his rhetoric and tends to make a caricature of himself. However, as with Ahmadinejad, to whom is Chavez a danger? Venezuela has not initiated a war or invasion under his leadership. There is no documented evidence that Chavez has killed (or ordered the killing) of a soul.

Chavez’s power to damage the US economically is far more limited than Kathleen implies. Venezuela accounts for about 15% of US oil imports. While it would certainly render a blow to the United States if Chavez stopped selling us his petroleum, we would manage.
In reality, the danger that Chavez poses is to US hegemony. As a shameless apologist for the US ruling elite, Ms. Parker is duty-bound to attack leaders like Chavez, who assert what “undeserved power” they have to protect their nation’s sovereignty and to challenge US global dominance.

Displaying rare form in April of 2006, Kathleen scribbled, “The Christianists are Coming, the Christianists are Coming”:
“For those who do not spend their days pulling imaginary bugs out of their eye sockets, ‘Christianist’ is a relatively new term that roughly refers to a virulent strain of right-wing political Christianity that, supposedly, parallels Islamist lunacy.

Although both groups may be ‘true believers,’ those who try to connect the dots of Christian belief, specifically evangelical Christianity, to Islamism seem willing to overlook the fact that Islamists praise Allah and fly airplanes into buildings while Christianists praise Jesus and pass the mustard.”

Thank you, Kathleen, for again reminding those who pull “imaginary bugs out of their eye sockets” that you are their Virgil in this mad, Hellish world.

Ms. Parker commits several sins of omission in her sweeping portrayal of Western religious fanatics as innocuous picnickers relative to the “monsters” who have the audacity to worship Allah.
Aside from passing the mustard, “Christianists” provide undying political, social, financial, and moral support for the genocidal acts of both the US and Israeli governments in the Holy Land. They don’t need to commit acts of terrorism abroad; they have the US military, the CIA, the IDF, and Mossad to do that for them. Therefore, they can focus their efforts on domestic terrorism as they bomb abortion clinics, gay night clubs, and Olympic events.
In “Hezbollah’s Twilight Zone” (2/06), Ms. Parker wove a tale that would have left Rod Serling green with envy:

“Why some residents of Qana didn’t leave given fair warning is a point of speculation, but Hezbollah reportedly has blocked residents from evacuating other areas. Proportionality is a trickier question, but let’s be clear on the issue of moral equivalence. There is none. Hezbollah aims to kill civilians; Israel aims not to. But by firing rockets from civilian areas, Hezbollah forces Israel to return fire, thus inciting the condemnation of civilized nations and fueling the reliable outrage of the Arab street.

The fog of war may prevent absolute clarity, but this much seems certain: Those dead women and children are casualties of Hezbollah, not Israel. As in the case of Susan Smith, we mourn the deaths of the children, but have no sympathy for the responsible party.”

Let’s pause for a moment to applaud Kathleen for a nearly superhuman feat of mental gymnastics. If we are to accept her cleverly constructed argument, we must blame the defenders of the victims of Israel’s invasion of Lebanon while embracing the idiotic conclusion that Western shells, cluster bombs, and missiles are manufactured in such a way that they only kill the “bad guys”, and when civilians die, it is an aberration for which we are immediately forgiven.

Incidentally, Israel killed 1200 Lebanese civilians while Hezbollah claimed 43 Israeli civilian victims. If, as Ms. Parker claims, “Hezbollah aims to kill civilians; Israel aims not to,” both sides need to engage in some serious re-training of their forces.

Rewinding to 2004, let’s consider some of Kathleen’s “wisdom” from “You Say Fallujah, I Say Rambo!”:

“I suppose it would be considered lacking in nuance to nuke the Sunni Triangle….
…But so goes the unanimous vote around my household - and I’m betting millions of others - in the aftermath of what forevermore will be remembered simply as ‘Fallujah.’
Wouldn’t it be lovely were justice so available and so simple? If we were but creatures like those zoo animals we witnessed gleefully jumping up and down after stomping, dragging, dismembering and hanging the charred remains of American civilians whose only crime was to try to help them.
These are the times that try Americans’ souls….
…It is hard at such times to keep one’s head, to remain calm, to rise above the impulse to exact immediate revenge. Or to cut and run, as we did under similar circumstances in Somalia not so long ago. But keep our heads we must. Calmly we must transcend the primitive lust that compels ignorant others to mug idiotically for cameras.
Our revenge will be in facing down enemies who, though unworthy adversaries, impede the worthy goal of stabilizing a country whose future may predict our own….
….Americans have the appealing if self-defeating habit of projecting their values onto others who haven’t enjoyed centuries of self-enlightenment. But we learn and mean well.
What we know, and what we tell the rest of the world by our steadfastness, is that we will help even the unworthy; we will not back down from a just cause even when appalled and afraid; we mean what we say. “

What an artful display of war-pimping! In response to the death of four Blackwater mercenaries, at the hands of people whose nation WE invaded, she writes of nuking the Sunni Triangle and laments that “justice” against “zoo animals” is not so “available and so simple.”

Invoking the spirit of the American Revolution with her reference to Thomas Paine and the times trying our souls, she reminds us of our “moral superiority” and the need to “rise above the impulse to exact immediate revenge.” (Ultimately, we did indeed demonstrate our “civility and restraint” by allowing some time to pass before avenging the deaths of four guns-for-hire by leveling the city of Fallujah—we were so fortunate to have Kathleen as a moral compass).

Proudly waving the banner of American Exceptionalism, she reminds us that those attempting to end our occupation of their country are “unworthy”, yet tempered as we are by “centuries of self-enlightenment”, we will continue to “help” them.

Let’s hope that our “unworthy adversaries” who are maimed, dying, or who have lost family members realize that we US Americans “learn and mean well.”

Some place their faith in a deity, but as evidenced by Ms. Parker’s June 2006 column, “In Marines We Trust,” that trend may be changing:

“Not only do we not know what happened in Haditha, but we’ve failed to communicate effectively to the rest of the world what we do know: that our Marines always deserve the benefit of the doubt. And that if something did go terribly wrong in Haditha, it was a rare exception to the rule.

Instead of launching an aggressive PR campaign to debunk the growing impression that such incidents, if true, are par for American forces, we get a presumption of guilt and an ethics course to fix a problem that isn’t a problem. The failure to communicate responsibly and strategically in this case, coupled with the rush to judgment in the international court of public opinion, has hurt not only the Marines under investigation, but also all our military men and women serving in Iraq and Afghanistan.”

Here Ms. Parker implies that the vanguard forces of a morally reprehensible imperialistic superpower that slaughtered three million in Vietnam and has annihilated hundreds of thousands in Iraq since the Gulf War do their killing “innocently” and “ethically.” While there is certainly a distinction between individual soldiers killing unarmed civilians and a group of service personnel taking lives in the course of carrying out a military objective, one can also successfully argue that each death the US military causes in Iraq is a war crime because the United States launched a war of aggression, an offense for which several principals of the Third Reich were hanged. Besides, the evidence against the Marines in Haditha is quite damning and the Haditha’s and My Lai’s are not as isolated as the corporate media would have us believe.

Recruiting young people who are economically susceptible to their bribes and psychologically vulnerable to their brain-washing while mobilizing public support for unprovoked invasions and “interventions,” the tangled web of corporate entities, war profiteers, “elected officials”, plutocrats, upper echelon military careerists, and their handsomely rewarded propagandists, like Ms. Parker, ultimately bears the responsibility for a deepening sea of blood and a growing mound of dismembered corpses.

Kathleen Parker may project an “apple pie” image, but her ardent moral and intellectual defense of the wholesale liquidation of human beings, her dehumanization of Islamic people to fuel the fraudulent “War on Terror”, and her pathological nationalism reveal that she is morally rotten to the core.

Jason Miller is Cyrano’s Journal Online’s associate editor and publishes Thomas Paine’s Corner within Cyrano’s at https://bestcyrano.org/THOMASPAINE/. He welcomes constructive correspondence at

16
May

The “Mystery” of US Foreign Policy

Hummer.misguidedMom

Oblivious to the truth and the contradictions of the situation, a misguided mom crisscrosses the country in a superpatriotically decorated Hummer (!) in honor of her son and fellow Marines’ sacrifices.

A CAPSULE ASSESSMENT

There are those who believe (and can’t understand why) American foreign policy has been such a “resounding failure.” I’m afraid such folks are painfully mistaken. US foreign policy has NOT been a failure from the perspective of its creators and direct beneficiaries. It has been a fantastic success story—at least until September 11—when, for the first time in a long, uninterrupted American imperial history of sordid and criminal interventions in other nations’ affairs, we experienced some of the “blowback” widely anticipated by even many of our own experts.

With 9/11 the era of “total impunity” for our actions may have come to an abrupt end, but now we have entered a more complex period of “quasi-impunity” which is still a major godsend for the very folks who put us into this quandary. For in this new era of widespread fear and open-ended “wars on terror” the plutocracies who always benefitted lavishly from our criminal foreign policy have found a new pretext to deepen and extend their near-absolute control over government levers around the world, beginning with our own.

So what are the basic facts? By now they are widely known, at least in progressive circles, so I will not go into any detailed account of this sordid chapter of “the American Experience.”

More than a century ago, sensing that their time has come, the leading American corporatists of the age set out to expand the United States “sphere of influence.” As is customary with adventures of this type, this newfangled imperial notion required from the start more than a normal diet of lies to the people. Lies to manufacture “valid” reasons for wars in distant places (such as the trumped up reasons for the 1898 war with Spain that yielded Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines); for toppling existing governments that refused to do our bidding; for making enduring alliances with enormously unsavory characters in all latitudes, and for robbing sovereign nations—such as Mexico—of large chunks of their territories.

The chief and almost exclusive purpose of this wholesale robbery and murder across the globe was the classical reason fueling most colonialist interventions: the quest by the nation’s plutocratic circles to seek further sources of riches and power, and, in the case of the US, the first nation to practice reactionism with a clear class-conscious agenda, to perpetuate their system of structured (but carefully concealed) selfishness.  In all of this they were wildly successful, even now that the legendary chickens are finally coming home to roost. As a result of such policies, always carefully wrapped in the robe of sanctimonious superpatriostism or a suitable moral crusade, the plutocracy enriched itself beyond its wildest expectations. Croesus-rich even before the empire seeking adventure began at the turn of the 20th century, by now these elites have become masters of the universe.

So let’s get this straight, and let the new Judges for a new Nuremberg remember this: The moneyed elites have acted and they do what they do with open eyes about the perfidy and hypocrisy of their policies. No use telling them that such policies are immoral, as well-intentioned people are always trying to do. They know it. Nor, for that matter, giving them counsel about how misguided such policies are in terms of the “real facts on the ground.” Again, they know that or they simply don’t care. And why should they? They have specific class objectives to fulfill and the real cost, like when some dying has to be done, or when some treasure has to be emptied—is not likely to fall on their shoulders. They have us, the perennially bamboozled, to do the heavy lifting.

So what’s the real problem? The real problem, and the constant engine for such criminal policies lies in the disconnect between the true aims of the American and world plutocracies and the interests of the people whom they continue to mislead under the pretense of “democracy.” As a result, they can never admit, up front, why they topple an Iranian premier in the 1950s, or engineer a bloodbath in Indonesia in the 60s, or they go into Iraq in 2003, for example, or attack Nicaragua in the 1970s, or strangle Cuba for half a century, and so on. They can’t afford to come clean because the American masses might not only NOT follow them, but throw them in jail or worse.

Having ridden the tiger of imperialist falsehoods for so long, now they can’t risk dismounting. Hence they have to go on invoking that long litany of repulsive lies that refer the public mind to the highest and noblest motives.  And they still manage to fool quite a few, I’ll say that.  By last count, 80 million Americans remained mired in this kind of mental cesspool, in this highly adulterated version of reality, ready to support this crowd’s abominable and increasingly deranged goals.

—Patrice Greanville




 

UNIVERSAL SITEWIDE SEARCH ENGINE

 

EMPOWER CITIZENS' MEDIA The plutocracy running America into the cesspool of eternal war, corruption, and economic insecurity has no trouble supporting its ideological defenders in the media and on the web. But who supports sites like ours? We do. But now the bills are accumulating and none of us has the deep pockets to keep this site afloat. If you value clarity of thought, and appreciate the work we do at Cyrano's, one of the most respected political sites on the web, send us a donation today—no matter how small, it will be counted as a vote of confidence! Thank you.

 

May 2007
M T W T F S S
    Jun »
  1 2 3 4 5 6
7 8 9 10 11 12 13
14 15 16 17 18 19 20
21 22 23 24 25 26 27
28 29 30 31  

 

Did you know that Cyrano has other terrific sections? Yep. Check it out beginning with our main portal: CLICK HERE ******************************************

CATEGORIES